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BUDDHA PRAKASH
is in the Brhatkathakosa of Harisena, written in 942 A.D.1 whereas the earliest reference to the Svetāmbara anecdote is in the Uttaradhyayana Niryukti of Bhadrabāhu II who flourished about 500 A.D.2 Thus it is clear that both of them are attested in fairly late sources.
The incongruous and legendary character of these traditions is manifest from the contradictions they harbour within themselves. Harişeņa says that the famine, attending the schism, occurred in Ujjain and, as a consequence of it, Višākhācārya led the monks to Punnata region in South Mysore, while his master, Bhadrabahu, along with his other disciples, repaired to Sindhu. This Višākhācārya is said to be the king Candragupta of Ujjain. But Hemacandra transfers the scene of the famine to Magadha and brings Bhadrabāhu into relationship with the Maurya monarch Candraguptas. On the other hand, old texts like the Avasyakacūrnī show that, as a result of the famine, Bhadrabāhu went to Nepal rather than the South4. Besides this, whereas the Titthogālipainnaya places the advent of the Mauryas 210 years after the demise of Mahāvīra”, the Yugapradhānapattāvali or Sthavirāvali shows 1. BȚhatkathâkośa, op. cit., pp. 317 ff. 2. Uttaradhyayanasūtra, pp. 152-178; Niryuktı, verses 164-178, Āvaśyaka Niryukti,
verses 778-783; Viseşāvaśyakamahābhāśya of Jinabhadra Gaņi, Vol II,
pp. 676 ff. 3. Parśıştaparvan of Hemacandra, ed. H. Jacobi, VIII, 444.
समाधिमरण प्राप्य चन्द्रगुप्तो दिवं ययौ Āvas yakacūrņi, p. 252. तमि य काले बारसवरिसो दुक्कालो उद्वितो संजताइतो य समुद्दतीरे आच्छेत्ता पुणरवि पाडलिपुत्ते मिलिता अण्णस्स उद्देसओ अण्णस्स खंड एवं संघाडितेहि तेहि एक्कारस अंगाणि संघातिताणि दिद्विवादो नत्थि नेपालवत्तणी मयवं भद्दबाहुस्सामी अच्छति चोद्दसपुवी। Titthogālipaınnaya, verses, 320-321. ज रयणि सिद्धिगओ अरहा तित्थकरो महावीरो। तं रयणिमवतीए अभिसित्तो पालओ राया ।। पालगरण्णो सट्ठी पुण पण्णसयं वियाणि णंदाण । मुरियाणं सट्ठिसयं पणतीसा पूसभित्ताणं ॥
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